Showing posts with label Health Care Reform Debate; Abortion Controversy. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Health Care Reform Debate; Abortion Controversy. Show all posts

Saturday, February 22, 2020

We’re not ready for Single payer healthcare (because we disagree on basic morality) Warning – this is a draft of a much longer paper, I hope!


“A common incantation during debates on health reform… is ‘that we all want the same thing; we merely disagree on how best to get there.’ That is rubbish.” – Uwe Reinhardt
In a 2011 Republican Presidential debate, candidate Ron Paul was asked a pointed question about what to do with someone who needed expensive healthcare but did not have insurance: “Are you saying that society  should just let him die?” Some in the crowd jeered “Yeah!” Paul indicated that as a physician, he did not find it acceptable to do so and offered charitable care from “churches” based on his experience of practicing medicine in the in the early 1960s, before Medicare and Medicaid, eliciting applause from the crowd.
Last year, I attended the Keystone Progress Conference in Pittsburgh, PA for a few hours. I attended a panel discussion of progressive candidates who lost their elections in deep red districts. One of the things I heard was straight out of this Ron Paul universe – all four of these candidates said they were surprised that so many of the conservative voters were afraid, of having others “get over on them.” That these others would get free healthcare and they were going to have to pay for it, for “those people” to be freeloaders that they would have to subsidize, etc.
In 2013, Dan Munro, writing for Forbes magazine, on the anniversary of Martin Luther King, Jr.'s “I have a Dream” speech, pointed to several myths so common to conservative thought about America, in particular our backwards interpretation of the “bootstraps” fable:
“the myth that literally anyone – through hard work and determination – can rise out of any poverty and become rich and prosperous. We salute, praise and deify everyone who does. But there’s a dark side to this myth. Anyone who doesn’t isn’t working hard enough – or doesn’t have enough determination. In effect, they’re a loser – and nobody wants to pay for the healthcare of those losers.”
Veronica Combs paraphrased it as ”There is a real meanness in the conversation about who should have healthcare, an implication that people who need help somehow don’t deserve it, or that they are taking advantage of ‘the rest of us.’”
All of this, of course, is not really news. Making a moral case for universal health care in any form is denounced as socialism or “not the job of government,” or as Ron Paul said, that we must “assume responsibility for ourselves.” The American Medical Association has famously opposed movement towards universal healthcare, from the Truman Administration to the passage of Medicare and Medicaid and through opposition to major parts of the Affordable Care Act.
Martin Luther King, Jr., noted that “Of all the forms of inequality, injustice in healthcare is the most shocking and inhumane.” Many have railed about the inhumanity of Americans towards each other regarding healthcare, and the late Professor Uwe Reinhardt has asked for decades, “To what extent should the better off members of society be made to be their poorer and sick brothers’ and sisters’ keepers in healthcare?” Americans, capable of unbridled generosity in helping individuals pay for a transplant or some other services when the individual in question is deserving, are ruthlessly coldhearted when compassion is requested for those they deem undeserving, as the Tea Party crowd showed us in 2011.
Reinhardt was clearly stung by the idea that his adopted countrymen (he was German born US citizen) rejected this solidarity, in contrast to every other nation’s resounding “yes” to the question. He also pointed out that the way Americans avoid the moral question that faces us is to play the game framed by the introductory quote: we pretend that the problem is that we disagree on policy, writ small and large, and find ourselves down rabbit holes about the reimbursement for an anesthesiologist for a fifteen minute unit of time with or without a nurse anesthetist!
Every other nation has started with the moral and ethical question over their values as a society and worked towards a solution to provide healthcare to all their people, “deserving” or not. As another professor noted:
"The last time I taught in the Semester at Sea program, I found it necessary to interpret for our students the rich “social capital” that runs through the Northern European societies we were visiting. What they knew and had read in their guide books was that not many people are in church on Sunday morning, especially compared to the florid religiosity of the United States. So their working assumption was that Americans take religion seriously and Europeans don’t. The new thought that amazed them was that the unchurched Europeans live in social democracies deeply saturated with historic Christian values, while the much-churched Americans celebrate a society characterized by a ruthless social Darwinism that the God of the Bible, Old and New Testament alike, denounces."
What is preventing us from having the basic moral argument about our values regarding health care? The answer is three-fold. The first is a strong puritanical streak in American culture that prompts many of us to divide our fellow citizens into camps of deserving and undeserving people. The second is a now unfathomably large industry that has much to lose should efficiency and order find their way into the American Healthcare system. The third is our human cognitive biases that lead us to sloppily assume political and moral positions that cold be overcome with rigorous analysis and vigorous debate.
-----------------
More to come? Thoughts?



Sphere: Related Content

Wednesday, March 17, 2010

Think Progress » Catholic nuns break with bishops and urge passage of health care reform.

Think Progress » Catholic nuns break with bishops and urge passage of health care reform.

Ok, the nuns are for it:

The health care bill that has been passed by the Senate and that will be voted on by the House will expand coverage to over 30 million uninsured Americans. While it is an imperfect measure, it is a crucial next step in realizing health care for all. It will invest in preventative care. It will bar insurers from denying coverage based on pre-existing conditions. It will make crucial investments in community health centers that largely serve poor women and children. And despite false claims to the contrary, the Senate bill will not provide taxpayer funding for elective abortions. It will uphold longstanding conscience protections and it will make historic new investments – $250 million – in support of pregnant women. This is the REAL pro-life stance, and we as Catholics are all for it.
So is the Catholic Health Association and prominent Catholic and Evangelical scholars.

What's up with those darned Bishops?

Go to the ThinkProgress link at the top for all the links.

Sphere: Related Content

Monday, March 15, 2010

T.R. Reid - Universal health care tends to cut the abortion rate

T.R. Reid - Universal health care tends to cut the abortion rate

Increasing health-care coverage is one of the most powerful tools for reducing the number of abortions -- a fact proved by years of experience in other industrialized nations. All the other advanced, free-market democracies provide health-care coverage for everybody. And all of them have lower rates of abortion than does the United States.
This is not a coincidence. There's a direct connection between greater health coverage and lower abortion rates. To oppose expanded coverage in the name of restricting abortion gets things exactly backward. It's like saying you won't fix the broken furnace in a schoolhouse because you're against pneumonia. Nonsense! Fixing the furnace will reduce the rate of pneumonia. In the same way, expanding health-care coverage will reduce the rate of abortion.

One of the commenters posted a useful link from the BBC on abortion rules in Europe.

Sphere: Related Content

Monday, March 8, 2010

Slate: Why Stupak is Wrong

Slate: Why Stupak is Wrong
Because this keeps coming up and needs addressed, Slate's Timothy Noah explains:

"If you go to Page 2069 through Page 2078 [of the Senate bill]," Stupak told George Stephanopoulos on March 4 on Good Morning America, "you will find in there the federal government would directly subsidize abortions, plus every enrollee in the Office of Personnel Management-enrolled plan, every enrollee has to pay a minimum of one dollar per month toward reproductive rights, which includes abortions." Stupak is here referring to the exchanges created under health reform and to a nonprofit plan managed by the Office of Personnel Management that would be sold through the exchanges. The latter was a consolation prize to supporters of a public-option government health insurance program that didn't make it into the bill.
Let's go to Page 2069 through Page 2078 of the Senate-passed bill. It says, "If a qualified plan provides [abortion] coverage … the issuer of the plan shall not use any amount attributable to [health reform's government-funding mechanisms] for purposes of paying for such services." (This is on Page 2072.) That seems pretty straightforward. No government funding for abortions. (Except in the case of rape, incest, or a threat to the mother's life—the same exceptions granted under current law.) If a health insurer selling through the exchanges wishes to offer abortion coverage—the federal government may not require it to do so, and the state where the exchange is located may (the bill states) pass a law forbidding it to do so—then the insurer must collect from each enrollee (regardless of sex or age) a separate payment to cover abortion.
The insurer must keep this pool of money separate to ensure it won't be commingled with so much as a nickel of government subsidy. (This is on Pages 2072-2074.) Stupak is right that anyone who enrolls through the exchange in a health plan that covers abortions must pay a nominal sum (defined on Page 125 of the bill as not less than "$1 per enrollee, per month") into the specially segregated abortion fund. But Stupak is wrong to say this applies to "every
enrollee." If an enrollee objects morally to spending one un-government-subsidized dollar to cover abortion, then he or she can simply choose a different health plan offered through the exchange, one that doesn't cover abortions. (Under the Senate bill, every insurance exchange must offer at least one abortion-free health plan.)
One dollar exceeds health insurers' actual cost in providing abortion coverage. In fact, it's entirely symbolic. The law stipulates that in calculating abortions' cost, insurers may consider how much they spend to finance abortions but not how much they save in foregone prenatal care, delivery, or postnatal care. (This is on Pages 2074-2075.) This is to keep insurers from pondering the gruesome reality—one they surely know already—that covering abortions actually saves them money. For health insurers, the true cost of abortion coverage is less than zero, because hospitals and doctors charge less to perform abortions than they do to tend pregnant women before, during, and after childbirth. (Ironically, only the Senate bill—not the House bill—provides some small counterweight to this calculus by increasing aid for adoption assistance.)
What really rankles Stupak (and the bishops) isn't that the Senate bill commits taxpayer dollars to funding abortion. Rather, it's that the Senate bill commits taxpayer dollars to people
who buy private insurance policies that happen to cover abortion at nominal cost to the purchaser (even the poorest of the poor can spare $1 a month) and no cost at all to the insurer. Stupak and the bishops don't have a beef with government spending. They have a beef with market economics.

Sphere: Related Content